What are African American

Research on African Americans covers many important areas, of which only a few will be discussed: theories of black-white relationships; the enslavement of African Americans; the development of an antiblack ideology; creating white wealth with black labor; the idea of ​​whiteness; racial discrimination today; and possibilities for social change.

THEORIES OF WHITE-BLACK RELATIONS

The explanatory theories of race relations in the USA. USA They can be broadly classified into order deficit theories and power conflict theories. Order deficit theories emphasize the gradual inclusion and assimilation of an external group such as African-Americans into the dominant society and emphasize the barriers to progress found within the external group. Instead, power conflict theories emphasize past and present structural barriers that impede the full integration of African-Americans into the institutions of society, such as enormous power and resource imbalance between black and white Americans. They also raise broader questions about the historically racist foundations of society.

Milton Gordon (1964) is a deficit of order scholar who distinguishes various types of initial encounters between racial and ethnic groups and a series of subsequent assimilation results ranging from acculturation to intermarriage. In his opinion, the trend of adaptation of immigrants in the United States has been in the direction of the substantial conformity of immigrants who give up much of their heritage to the Anglo-Protestant central culture. Gordon and other scholars apply this scheme to African Americans, whom they consider to be substantially culturally assimilated (for example, when it comes to language), with some remaining cultural differences due to the “lower-class subculture” among black Americans. This model of order deficit and the accent on culture flaws have been popular with many contemporary analysts who often try to downplay discrimination and accentuate issues affecting black Americans or their communities. For example, Jim Sleeper (1990) has argued that there is no consequential institutionalized racism in the United States. Instead, he takes cultural explanations, for example, blacks need to work harder, for the current difficulties in black communities. Jim Sleeper (1990) has argued that there is no consequential institutionalized racism in the United States. Instead, he takes cultural explanations, for example, blacks need to work harder, for the current difficulties in black communities. Jim Sleeper (1990) has argued that there is no consequential institutionalized racism in the United States. Instead, he takes cultural explanations, for example, blacks need to work harder, for the current difficulties in black communities.

In contrast, power conflict analysts reject the assimilationist vision of black inclusion and eventual assimilation and the inclination to focus on deficits within African-American communities or individuals as the main barriers to racial integration. From this perspective, the current condition of African Americans is more oppressive than that of any other racial or ethnic group in the United States. USA Due to its roots in slavery for centuries and in the subsequent semi-slave of legal segregation, with consequent low-wage jobs and poor living conditions. Once a system of extreme racial subordination is historically established, Those at the top of the hierarchy continue to inherit and monopolize disproportionate socio-economic resources over many generations. A leading analyst of power conflicts was Oliver C. Cox. His review of history indicated that beginning in the 16th century, white-on-black oppression in North America emerged from the European imperialist system with its profit-oriented capitalism. The African slave trade was the way out of the European colonists to recruit labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America “(Cox, 1948, p. 342). African Americans provided a lot of hard work to build the new society: first as slaves, then as sharecroppers and tenants, and later as low-wage workers and service workers in the cities. A leading analyst of power conflicts was Oliver C. Cox. His review of history indicated that beginning in the 16th century, white-on-black oppression in North America emerged from the European imperialist system with its profit-oriented capitalism. The African slave trade was the way out of the European colonists to recruit labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America “(Cox, 1948, p. 342). African Americans provided a lot of hard work to build the new society: first as slaves, then as sharecroppers and tenants, and later as low-wage workers and service workers in the cities. A leading analyst of power conflicts was Oliver C. Cox. His review of history indicated that beginning in the 16th century, white-on-black oppression in North America emerged from the European imperialist system with its profit-oriented capitalism. The African slave trade was the way out of the European colonists to recruit labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America “(Cox, 1948, p. 342). African Americans provided a lot of hard work to build the new society: first as slaves, then as sharecroppers and tenants, and later as low-wage workers and service workers in the cities. White-on-black oppression in North America arose from the European imperialist system with its profit-oriented capitalism. The African slave trade was the way out of the European colonists to recruit labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America “(Cox, 1948, p. 342). African Americans provided a lot of hard work to build the new society: first as slaves, then as sharecroppers and tenants, and later as low-wage workers and service workers in the cities. White-on-black oppression in North America grew out of the European imperialist system with its profit-oriented capitalism. The African slave trade was the way out of the European colonists to recruit labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America “(Cox, 1948, p. 342). African Americans provided a lot of hard work to build the new society: first as slaves, then as sharecroppers and tenants, and later as low-wage workers and service workers in the cities.

In the late 1960s, civil rights activist Stokely Carmichael (later called Kwame Ture) and historian Charles Hamilton (1967) documented contemporary patterns of racial discrimination and contrasted their perspective of power conflict, which accentuated institutional racism , with an older approach than. They were the first to use the terms “internal colonialism” and “institutional racism” to describe the discrimination of whites as a group against African Americans as a group. Taking a similar perspective on power conflict, sociologist Bob Blauner (1972) argued that there are large differences between African Americans and white immigrant groups at the center of assimilationist analysis. Africans brought across the ocean became part of an internally subordinate colony; white slavers brought them in against their will. Black labor accumulated white wealth. European immigrants, on the other hand, came more or less voluntarily.

More recently, sociologist Molefi Kete Asante (1988) has broken new ground in developing a new perspective on power conflict, called Afrocentricity, that analyzes the Eurocentric bias in American culture and rejects the use of concepts like “ethnicity.” the minority, “and the” ghetto “as antithetics to develop a clear understanding of racism and to build anti-racist movements. Similarly, anthropologist Marimba Ani (1994) demonstrated how, from the outset, European colonialism was underpinned by a well-developed theory of white supremacy, a worldview that attempted to destroy the cultures of other non-European peoples. However, other analysts (Feagin 2000) have argued for a power conflict framework that encompasses the white oppression of black Americans, with its racist ideology, as the basis of American society from the beginning. From this perspective, much of the drama that unfolds in the history of the United States is seen as a continuing reflection of that foundation of systemic racism.

THE ASSEMBLY OF AFRICAN AMERICANS

The research on slavery emphasizes the importance of the power conflict perspective to understand the history and conditions of African Americans. Manning Marable (1985, p.5) demonstrates that before the African slave trade began, Europeans were predisposed to accept slavery. Western intellectuals from Aristotle to Sir Thomas More defended slavery.

Research by sociologists, historians, and legal scholars emphasizes the point that slavery is the foundation of African American subordination. Legal researcher Patricia Williams has documented the dramatic difference between the conditions faced by African slaves and European immigrants: “The experience of the black slave was one of lost languages, cultures, tribal ties, kinship ties, and even the power to procreate in the image of oneself and not of a foreign teacher ”(Williams 1987, p.415). Williams, an African American, talks about Austin Miller, his great-great-grandfather, a white lawyer who bought and enslaved his great-great-grandmother, Sophie, and Sophie’s parents. Miller forced the thirteen-year-old girl to become the mother of Williams’ great-grandmother, Mary. Williams’ great-great-great-grandfather was, well, a rapist and a child abuser. African Americans are the only racial group in the US. USA Whose heritage involves the forced mixing of their African ancestors with members of the dominant white group.

Eugene Genovese (1974) has shown that African American slavery could produce servile accommodation and open resistance. Even in the extremely oppressive slave plantations of the United States, many peoples of Africa (Yoruba, Akans, Ibos, and others) came together to create an African American people. They created a culture of survival and resistance based on African religion and values ​​(Stuckey 1987, pp. 42-46). This culture of opposition provided the foundation for many revolts and conspiracies to rebel among the enslaved, as well as for subsequent protests against oppression.

In all regions, many whites were involved in the slavery system. Northern whites built colonies in part through slave labor or the slave trade. In 1641, Massachusetts was the first colony to legalize slavery; and merchants and shippers of the state played important roles in the slave trade. It was not until the 1780s that public opinion and trials closed New England slavery. In 1786, slaves made up 7 percent of New York’s population; It was not until the 1850s that all slaves were freed there. Furthermore, intense political and economic subordination of free African Americans followed abolition (Higginbotham 1978, pp. 63-65, 144-149). As Benjamin Ringer (1983: 533) says, “Despite the early emancipation of slaves in the north, it remained there, not merely as fossilized remains but as deep-seated codification for the future.” This explains the extensive system of antiblack discrimination and segregation of “Jim Crow” in the northern states before the Civil War. Later, freed slaves and their descendants who migrated from the south entered an already codified socio-economic system to subordinate African-Americans.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN ANTIBLACK IDEOLOGY

Truly racist ideologies – with the “race” conceptualized in terms of biological inferiority – appear only in modern times. St. Clair Drake (1987) has shown that in Greek and Roman times most Europeans attached greater importance to the culture and nationality of Africans than to their physical and biological characteristics. Beginning with Portuguese and Spanish imperialism in the 15th century, a racist ideology gradually developed to rationalize the brutal conquest of land and work undertaken in the period of European imperialism (Snowden 1983).

The raclack antiblack system that developed in the Americas is deeply rooted in European and Euro-American consciousness, religion and culture. Europeans have long seen themselves, their world, and “others” exploited from a parish perspective – one that assumes that European culture is superior to all other cultures, that they are ready for exploitation (Ani 1994). For the European colonizers it was not enough to bleed Africa from its work. A well-developed and anti-black anti-African ideology rationalized this oppression and therefore reduced its moral cost to whites. As it developed, this ideology accentuated not only the alleged physical ugliness and mental inferiority of Africans and African Americans, but also their alleged immorality, family pathologies, and criminality. The notions that African Americans were, as colonial colonists described them, “dangerous savages” and “degenerate beasts,” apparently were an attempt by those who considered themselves civilized Christians to avoid the guilt of the carnage they had created. As historian George Frederickson said, “otherwise many whites would have had to accept an intolerable burden of guilt for perpetrating or tolerating the most horrendous cruelty and injustice” (Frederickson 1971, p 282).

CREATING WHITE WEALTH WITH BLACK WORK

In his masterpiece The Souls of Black (1903), the pioneering sociologist WEB Du Bois anticipated current research on the importance of African Americans for the prosperity and development of the United States. USA:

“Your country. How was yours Before the pilgrims landed, we were here. Here we have brought our three gifts and mixed them with yours: a gift of soft and moving melody in a badly harmonized and little melodious land; the gift of sweat and strength to defeat the desert, conquer the soil, and lay the foundations of this vast economic empire two hundred years earlier than your weak hands could have done; the third, a gift of the spirit “(Du Bois 1989 [1903], pp. 186-187). The nation’s past and present prosperity is substantially the result of the forced labor of millions of African Americans under slavery and segregation.

Under common law, an innocent individual who unconsciously benefits from wealth earned illegally or by unjust actions in the past generally cannot, if unlawfully obtained earnings are discovered, claim the right to keep them (Cross 1984, p 510, Williams 1991 , p.101). A duress of one’s possessions by an individual criminal is similar to a forced take of work by a white slave or discriminator. For centuries, great wealth was unfairly created for white families from the work of the enslaved, as well as from legal segregation and the contemporary racist system that emerged after slavery.

Some researchers have examined the wealth whites unfairly obtained from the four hundred years of exploitation of black labor. Based on James Marketti (1990, p. 118), the dollar value of the labor of enslaved African Americans from 1620 to 1861 – along with the interest lost from then to the present – can be estimated at between two and five trillion dollars (in current dollars). Adding to this figure, losses to blacks from discrimination in the labor market in effect from 1929 to 1969 (plus loss of interest) would bring the total figure to the range of four to nine trillion dollars (see Swinton 1990, page 156) . Additionally, since the end of legal segregation, African Americans have suffered more economic losses due to continued discrimination. For more than two decades, The median household income of African American families has been 55 to 61 percent of the median household income of white families. Compensating African Americans for the value of stolen labor would clearly require a large chunk of the nation’s current and future wealth. And those calculations don’t take into account the many other personal and community costs of slavery, segregation, and modern racism.

Research has shown that whites have for centuries benefited from large-scale government assistance that was denied to African-Americans. These programs included large-scale land grants from the 16th century to the late 19th century, a period when most blacks were not eligible. In the first decades of the 20th century, many government-controlled resources were delivered, or made available on reasonable terms, to white Americans. These include air routes, federal land leases, and access to radio and television frequencies. During the 1930s, most federal New Deal programs favored white Americans. Perhaps the most important subsidy program that benefited whites was Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loan insurance that allowed millions of white families to secure homes and accumulate capital that would later be used to educate their children. (Sitkoff 1978). During the long period of segregation from the 1890s to the late 1960s, black families received far less assistance from government programs and were unable to accumulate wealth comparable to that of white families.

WHITENESS DEVELOPS IN RELATION TO NEGRIGENCE

From the beginning of the nation, the ideas of “whiteness” and “blackness” were created by whites as an integral part of the increasingly dominant racist ideology. The first serious investigation into whiteness was perhaps that of Du Bois (1992 [1935]), who showed how white workers have historically accepted lower money wages in exchange for the public and psychological wages of white privilege. In exchange for not organizing or organizing with black workers, and thus accepting lower money wages, employers allowed white workers to participate in a racist hierarchy where whites imposed respect on the part of black Americans. Various social scientists (Roediger 1991, Allen 1994, Brodkin 1998) have shown how immigrants from 19th-century and 20th-century Europe, who initially defined themselves not as “white” but as Jews, Irish, Italians, or other European identities. -They were pressured by the established elites to see themselves and their own groups as targets. Racial privileges were granted to new European immigrants who aligned themselves with the dominant Anglo-American whites born in the United States and actively participated in anti-black discrimination.

Today, whites still use numerous myths and stereotypes to defend white privilege (Frankenberg 1993, Feagin and Vera 1995). Such fictions often describe whites as “non-racist” or as “good people,” even when whites themselves take part in discriminatory actions (for example, in housing or employment) or express racist ideas. In most cases, positive white identity is built against a negative view of black Americans.
RACIAL DISCRIMINATION TODAY
Racial discrimination involves the practices of members of the dominant group that target those in subordinate groups for harm. Discrimination maintains wealth and white privileges. A report by the National Research Council noted that in the mid-1970s many white Americans believed that “the Civil Rights Act of 1964 had led to the large-scale elimination of discrimination against African-Americans in public accommodations” (Jaynes and Williams 1989, p 84). However, social science research still finds a lot of racial discrimination in housing, employment, education and public accommodation.

Many scholars emphasize current black economic progress. In the 1980s and 1990s, the number of professional, technical, managerial, and administrative black workers increased significantly. However, African-Americans in these categories have concentrated disproportionately on those jobs with a lower status. Within the professional-technical category, African-Americans today are most often found in fields such as social and recreational work, public school teaching, vocational counseling, staff, dietetics, and health care work; They are found less frequently among lawyers and judges, dentists, writers and artists, engineers, and university professors. Within the administrative-administrative category, African Americans are most often found among restaurant and bar managers, health administrators, and government officials; they are less common among top corporate executives, bank and financial managers, and wholesale sales managers. Such patterns of work channeling indicate the effects of indirect and intentional racial discrimination over several centuries.

Studies have shown that housing segregation remains very high in metropolitan areas of the USA. USA, North and South. This is true for low- and middle-income African Americans. The change in residential balkanization has been very slow. Census data indicates that from 1980 to 1990 there were only small decreases in the level of residential segregation in thirty of the major US metropolitan areas. USA; fewer changes than in the previous decade. Two-thirds of black residents in the southern metropolitan areas and more than three-quarters in the northern metropolitan areas would have to move from their current residential areas if they wanted to create proportional segregation in the housing arrangements in these cities (Massey and Denton 1993, pp. 221-223). US cities USA

At all class levels, African Americans still face a lot of discrimination. After conducting groundbreaking interviews with forty black women in the Netherlands and the United States, social psychologist Philomena Essed (1990) concluded that racial discrimination remains a pervasive problem in both nations. He showed that black tales of racism are much more than discrete individual accounts, as they also represent systems of knowledge that people collectively accumulate to make sense of racist society. Research by US social scientists. USA You have confirmed and expanded these findings. Lois Benjamin (1991), Kesho Y. Scott (1991),

These field studies have revealed the everyday nature of racial barriers and the consequent pain faced by blacks at the hands of whites in employment, housing, education and public accommodation. Researchers Nancy Krieger and Stephen Sidney (1996) provided a list of seven settings where there may be discrimination. Seventy percent of respondents and 84 percent of surveyed men reported that they faced discrimination in at least one area. Most reported white discrimination in at least three settings. Various national surveys have also found substantial racial discrimination. For example, a 1997 Gallup poll (1997, pp. 29-30, 108-110) asked black respondents if they had faced discrimination in five areas (work, dinner, shopping, with the police, on public transport) during the last month. 45% reported discrimination in one or more of these areas in that short period. Discrimination for the majority of black Americans involves much more than an occasional discriminatory act, but a life of thousands of acts of differential treatment, covert and subtle targets: actions that accumulate to have significant monetary, psychological, family and community effects. African Americans oppose this discrimination in a variety of ways, ranging from pent-up anger to open resistance and retaliation (Cobbs 1988). This cumulative and persistent discrimination is an important reason for the periodic resurgence of civil rights organizations and protest movements among African Americans (see Morris 1984). on public transport) during the last month. 45% reported discrimination in one or more of these areas in that short period. Discrimination for the majority of black Americans involves much more than an occasional discriminatory act, but a life of thousands of acts of differential treatment, covert and subtle targets: actions that accumulate to have significant monetary, psychological, family and community effects. African Americans oppose this discrimination in a variety of ways, ranging from pent-up anger to open resistance and retaliation (Cobbs 1988). This cumulative and persistent discrimination is an important reason for the periodic resurgence of civil rights organizations and protest movements among African Americans (see Morris 1984). on public transport) during the last month. 45% reported discrimination in one or more of these areas in that short period. Discrimination for the majority of black Americans involves much more than an occasional discriminatory act, but a life of thousands of acts of differential treatment, covert and subtle targets: actions that accumulate to have significant monetary, psychological, family and community effects. African Americans oppose this discrimination in a variety of ways, ranging from pent-up anger to open resistance and retaliation (Cobbs 1988). This cumulative and persistent discrimination is an important reason for the periodic resurgence of civil rights organizations and protest movements among African Americans (see Morris 1984).

 

ANTIBLACK RACISM AND OTHER AMERICANS OF COLOR

During the 1990s, numerous researchers from Latino, Asian, and Native American groups emphasized their own group’s perspective on racial and ethnic relations and their experience with discrimination in the United States. They have often criticized a binary black-and-white paradigm that they consider dominant in contemporary research and writing on US racial and ethnic relations. USA (See Perea 1997). From this perspective, the black-white binary paradigm should be abandoned because each non-European group has its distinctive experiences of oppression.

However, some scholars (Feagin 2000, Ani 1994) have demonstrated the need to take a broader view of the long history and current realities of racism in the United States. The nation’s racist base was established in the 17th century by European businessmen and settlers while enslaving Africans and killing or expelling Native Americans. In the mid-seventeenth century, African Americans were treated by whites, and by the legal system, as property of personal property, a position not held by any other group in the four centuries of United States history. This bloody property article system created great wealth for whites and was soon rationalized in the aforementioned racist ideology. Since then, Whites have remained in firm control of all major US institutions. USA; They have perpetuated a racist system that is still embedded in all of these institutions.

White-on-black oppression is a comprehensive system originally designed for the exploitation of African-Americans, which for centuries has shaped the lives of all Americans, regardless of origin, national origin or time of entry. This long-standing white racist framework has been expanded and adapted for each new non-European group introduced to the nation. Immigrants from places other than Europe, such as Chinese and Japanese immigrants from the mid-19th century to the 1950s and Mexican immigrants after 1900, were often oppressed by white people and built as racialized inferiors without citizenship rights (Takaki 1990). Other types of white racism have been important in US history. But the racism white on black is the most central case. Although it has changed in some way over time, this systemic racism has remained more or less constant in its fundamental aspects. The society of the EE. USA It is not a multiplicity of disconnected racisms, but rather has a central white-racist core that was initially developed by whites as they expelled Native Americans from their lands and intensely exploited enslaved African Americans. Scholarship (Takaki 1990; Feagin 2000) has shown how this framework gradually expanded and adapted for the oppression of all other non-European groups. Instead, it has a central white-racist core that was initially developed by whites as they expelled Native Americans from their lands and intensively exploited enslaved African-Americans. Scholarship (Takaki 1990; Feagin 2000) has shown how this framework gradually expanded and adapted for the oppression of all other non-European groups. rather, it has a central racist white core that was initially developed by whites as they expelled Native Americans from their lands and intensively exploited enslaved African Americans. Scholarship (Takaki 1990; Feagin 2000) has shown how this framework gradually expanded and adapted for the oppression of all other non-European groups.

CHANGE POSSIBILITIES

Some African American academics have expressed great pessimism about the possibility of significant racial change in the United States. Constitutional scholar Derrick Bell (1992) argues that racism is so fundamental that white Americans will never consider giving up privileges and therefore that black Americans will never gain equality.

There is a long history of African Americans and other people of color who resist racism. The development of resistance movements in the 1950s and 1960s had its roots in the activism of local organizations, including churches, dating back centuries (Morris 1984). Given these deep and persistent roots, many other analysts, black and non-black, remain optimistic about the possibility of civil rights action for social change. Therefore, legal scholar Lani Guinier (1994) has spelled out new ideas to significantly increase the electoral and political power of black Americans. While the Voting Rights Act (1965) increased the number of black voters and elected officials, it did not give the majority of these officials adequate or substantial influence over political decisions in their communities. Guinier suggests new strategies for increasing black influence, including demanding supermajorities (a required number of votes from minority black officials) from key political bodies when there are attempts to pass major legislation.

Some academics and activists are pushing for a dual strategy that emphasizes both the continuing fight for civil rights outside black communities and an internal effort to build self-help projects within those communities. A prominent civil rights scholar, Roy Brooks (1996), has documented the failures and successes of the traditional desegregation strategy. While still supporting integration efforts, Brooks has argued that blacks should consider internally generated, separatist community development strategies for their long-term economic, physical and psychological success. Working in the WEB Du Bois and Malcolm X tradition,

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